It was in the auspicious year 2008, that is of extraordinary importance in the history of Bhutan. Firstly our country joined the ranks for full parliamentary democracy, coinciding also with the declaration of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Bhutan. Second and most importantly, it is the Coronation of His Majesty The King Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuk as the fifth Druk Gyalpo. And third and lastly, it is the celebrations for the centenary of our monarchy.
The introduction of a parliamentary democracy under constitutional monarchy, after 257 years of theocratic rule and 100 years of benign rule by monarchy, is of momentous significance for us. It was probably the most peaceful transition to democracy. Bhutan's democratic journey began from the palace. "It is a gift from the golden throne", say most Bhutanese. Despite the populace's initial reluctance for change, the fourth king insisted on establishing a system which involves the people and is sustainable. His critics, however, argue that this is a royal sham to silence political dissent and a shrewd way to secure the monarchy's future. It all happened not because the citizens trusted the institutions of democracy. Rather, people voted for a democratic system because His Majesty asked people to do, to develop their own judgment and capacities as citizens which democracy encourages, and to opt for an elected government so that the governance need not face a risk of depending on a single individual. Nevertheless, in the case of their Majesties the Kings, a history of being trustworthy and trusted by the people for their welfare, also made the people accept their far reaching guidance to switch to a parliamentary democracy. With such a sobering awareness, we have begun our spirited journey of combining democracy and GNH.
If Bhutan's democracy is unique in originating with the ruler and not as a result of the outcry of unhappy subjects, the laws which frame it make it even more so. In an unprecedented move, Bhutan's electoral authorities imposed on all candidates standing for parliament a minimum educational qualification of a university degree obtained from a credible institution through full- time study. For a country where secular education began only in the last half of the 20th century and where most of the community leaders are village elders with no formal education, such a requisite is both demanding and controversial. The vast majority of the population over the age of 40 did not even attend school.
Many suspect this prerequisite to be a approach to dislodge the former representatives who had a dominant voice in the former national assembly and enjoyed strong support in the rural communities which make up most of Bhutan. The government reasoned that parliamentarians, and especially ministers, should be sufficiently educated to be able to follow and conduct modern political and economic discourse and to interact with international counterparts. Thus a university education is seen as an essential criterion for good leadership. It places western educational values above Bhutanese ones and technical training above liberal education. "Even our enlightened monarch, who has led the country so successfully, does not have a university degree", remarked one elder citizen, referring to the fourth king. Worse, this regulation is seen as an obstruction to the burgeoning democracy. This stringent rule disqualifies most community leaders from the race and there is an acute shortage of political aspirants.
Most candidates who competed in December 2007 for the twenty seats in the national council or the upper house were in their 30s, and some were just out of college. A couple of districts could not even produce two candidates, and had to settle for votes for and against single candidates. Competition for the national assembly or the lower house was stifled in the same way. Despite repeated calls to set up political parties, only two were successfully formed. A third party was forced to dissolve after it failed to find an able party president with a university degree. Now, temporary election laws such as the educational criterion will be officially endorsed by the new parliament, which consists only of people holding a university degree. Some traditional leaders are cautious that true democracy may remain forever out of their reach. Some former people's representative has even enrolled himself at a university.
Bhutan also startled its citizens with the pronouncement that religious persons are not entitled to vote. "Religion", the chief election commissioner explained, "must remain above politics". To cast a vote, one has to choose, and to choose, one has to discriminate. Buddhist monks must transcend worldly discrimination and partiality. In theory, this fits well a devoutly Buddhist country. In reality, however, a significant population of men and women are monks and nuns, and many of them are also village elders. In most villages, particularly in the eastern part of Bhutan, a large portion of men are lay priests combining both religious and worldly pursuits. Denying them suffrage has not only lessened people's participation in democracy but led to other issues.
Some monks are thinking of renouncing their religious status to claim their franchise; others, out of indignation, secretly work to influence lay voters. Without suffrage for the religious, there is a general feeling that no political parties will own their cause, and that this will eventually result in the neglect of the nation's priceless spiritual tradition. This regulation, like the educational qualification criterion and other such rules, awaits being debated and enacted by the new parliament.
Bhutan's process of democratization, like political change elsewhere, was not without excitement, ferment and furor. Despite moderate reluctance at first, people took up the cause with unexpected enthusiasm. This was not what most foreign media persisted in depicting: the picture of an idyllic Bhutan, medieval and innocent, prosperous and peaceful, and unwilling to creep out of its monarchical wonderland.
Bhutanese were not spoon-fed with an unwanted democracy, let alone force-fed, as was often claimed. Rather, Bhutanese took an active part in the process with enthusiasm and vigor. Villagers walked for hours from isolated areas to listen to the political candidates, who traversed the country campaigning for support. Thousands volunteered to work for the party of their liking and contributed huge amounts towards party funds. Politics became the topic of almost every conversation and the atmosphere was common with political fervor and fear, speculation and gossip, and even exchanges of vitriolic allegation and mudslinging in the months leading up to the election. Democracy was taken up with such passion and earnestness that in some places friends and family were divided along political lines while elsewhere enemies have united under one political party.
On 24 March, in an event described by its people as well as outsiders as a historic moment, Bhutan went to the polls to elect its first democratic government. The first general elections witnessed enthusiastic participation with eighty percent turnout. Men and women walked long distances, some with babies on their back, and queued for hours to cast their secret ballot. It was for some their final answer to the royal call to build a sound democracy, but for most the moment to exercise their right to choose their leader. A total of 253,012 out of 318,465 eligible voters (79.4%) cast their vote, almost a third of that in the first two hours, in a contest between parties each led by people who have previously served as prime ministers under the monarchy. Moreover, the elections were preceded by extensive preparation including the establishment of constitutional bodies such as Anti-Corruption Commission and Election Commission of Bhutan by the King and the governing body to ensure greater accountability. Therefore, democracy is not just about electing leaders for Bhutanese, but also a new kind of system, which embraces greater transparency at all levels of society. A steady move towards devolution of power was clearly evident.
The transition carried with it economic and moral incentives in order to convince the masses about democracy. The government provided financial assistance to those who came to participate in the election and related events at the cost of their daily economic activity. The moral incentive is crucial to a faith-based country like Bhutan. Unlike other democracies in the world, democracy in Bhutan was not a right but a responsibility that came as a gift to the people from their beloved King. The vote was projected as a precious jewel in people’s possession. Therefore, the first election was bereft of voter’s apathy.
Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT), led by the eloquent intellectual and statesman Jigmi Yoezer Thinley, stressed political integrity as the bedrock of a sound democracy and campaigned for democracy and justice. His opponent, Sangay Ngedup (the brother-in-law of the fourth king and uncle of the fifth king) led the People's Democratic Party (PDP) with the slogans "walk the talk" and "service with humility".
Druk Phuensum Tshogpa (DPT), led by the eloquent intellectual and statesman Jigmi Yoezer Thinley, stressed political integrity as the bedrock of a sound democracy and campaigned for democracy and justice. His opponent, Sangay Ngedup (the brother-in-law of the fourth king and uncle of the fifth king) led the People's Democratic Party (PDP) with the slogans "walk the talk" and "service with humility".
For most Bhutanese, the two parties were known as the "crane" and "horse" respectively, after their logos. With both parties bandying the royal vision of GNH and promising to develop the nation with motorable roads and electricity as their priorities (since these are tangible benefits with which woo the predominantly rural electorate), there was little or no difference between the parties in political ideologies or policies. At the most, theirs was a difference in emphasis, with DPT stressing principle and PDP delivery. Hence the election was largely seen as a contest about the persona of the party presidents and the public appeal of the individual candidates. However, the outcome confounded expectations and sent a stunning message across the country.
In a surprising verdict, Jigme Yoezer Thinley's DPT won by a surprising landslide of forty-five out of forty-seven seats, while Sangay Ngedup lost in his own constituency to a school teacher. The PDP's comprehensive defeat revealed that even the uneducated rural populace cannot be won over by unrealistic promises and temporary benefits such as the campaign luncheons and entertainments that the PDP showered on them. In contrast to the international depictions of Bhutan as politically innocent, the Bhutanese public has proven to be savvy and ready for democracy. Although the DPT's overwhelming victory was largely attributed to its outstanding leadership, it also suggests a call for moderate change and stable government, since the party has at its helm five former ministers and several senior bureaucrats.
Today, Bhutan takes pride in having successfully completed its election in order and peace, without clamor and tumult but with a difference. With the people's representatives to both the national council and national assembly elected, and the five members of the national council appointed by the king, the country has successfully transitioned from a hereditary monarchy to a parliamentary democracy. Bhutanese, relishing the taste of the royal "gift" and with no serious misgiving, have taken their first bold democratic step and await what democracy has in store for them as events unfold.
I take this very privilege to let our citizens realize and rededicate their commitment to our fore fathers who has rendered their services and given guidance to the people towards achieving eternal peace, harmony and prosperity. They are one who protects us from devastations and provides us shade of peace, stability and harmony. More over they are the main source of inspiration, a compassionate parent, exemplary leader, people’s monarch and the benevolent sun which grants warmth. I now roll up with just a single prayer “may the eternal peace and prosperity shine over Drukyul”.
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